note -- Finally, a real church history class.  Somehow at Wheaton I fell in love with the subject, then at Fuller found frustration.  No one told me I should take Dr. Bradley, so I never did, hearing only later he was the one to take.  Oh well.  This class mostly consisted of tests, well a midterm and a final.  And this research project.  My love for history found renewal, my love for research came out -- though was mildly frustrated by the fact that quarters do not allow enough time for interlibrary loan.   I chose something I liked and wanted to keep pursuing.  The other fun thing I remember about this class was doing extremely well on the final, despite my opening up a long essay question on part of the Catholic Reformation with the sentence, "No one expected the Spanish Inquisition."  It still makes me laugh.  Tongue in cheek this whole quarter made Patrick a happy person, and still a well graded one as well.  Fear, ruthless efficiency, and an almost fanatical devotion to the pope goes a long way.  

East Meets West

            In 664 a group of ecclesiastical leaders met in the small English town of Whitby.  A crisis had been brewing, a crisis which pitted two seemingly divergent traditions of the same faith, traditions that now found themselves actually competing for the same territory through their own missionary ventures.  The pretext for this meeting was to settle the issue of Easter, an issue which came to the fore when it was noticed that some Christians were fasting while others were feasting, causing not only a bit of confusion, but also an affront to the declared catholicity of the church.  It was settled by the king that the Roman tradition was superior, and the Celtic views were rejected, resulting in a gradual decline throughout even their earliest territories. [1]  

It is an interesting fact that this synod would have to come about at all, that there would be a divergent tradition which would arise in the West (indeed the farthest known West at the time), arising significantly after the earliest Roman Christian communities engaged in missionary activities.  This fact could be explained, however, in understanding that the distinctive Irish Christianity had at its own roots a divergent tradition than that preferred by Rome.  This divergent tradition, equal to Rome in its claim to authority, was that of the Eastern Church.  Though the “official” separation did not occur until the 11^th century, varying distinctives were apparent even in the middle centuries of the first millennium, distinctives which seem to be revealing themselves in the Irish faith. 

The goal of this paper is to show how Eastern (commonly called Orthodox) Christianity influenced or was reflected in the seemingly distinctive Irish Christianity.  I will do this by first looking at some of the earliest figures of this church, moving on then to discuss the various distinctives and teachings of the Irish Church itself, including its theology, government, and traditions.

            The first major figure worth considering is the famous “Apostle of Ireland”, Patrick. [2]   Much of his life is hidden in shadows, shadows which have been for centuries filled in by those not content with a murky past, adding various mystical adventures and miraculous tales.  The reality of Patrick essentially can be determined through his own writings, writings which show him to be a down-to-earth, often struggling, but enormously faithful servant of God.  He is a man whose passion is revealed in what he considers his very faulty writing. [3] Yet his faithfulness to what he considered his calling was not based on an ecclesiastical charge, rather it was based on what he felt was a call by God to go, in much the same way that Paul was called to go.  He was not certainly the first person to attempt to establish a church in Ireland. [4]   That honor, at least recorded honor, goes to the person of Palladius.

            Palladius was sent  by the Emperor Theodosius in about 431 to serve as bishop to believers already in Ireland. [5]   Beyond this, however, nothing at all is known of his mission, how he fared, what he accomplished.   If he did serve in Ireland for any length of time, it seems as though his was not a missionary movement, but a service to already established Christians.  In 429 Pope Celestine sent a commission headed by Germanus of Auxerre to combat the rising Pelagian heresy which appears to have made strong inroads into British Christianity. [6]   Accompanying him at this time may have been Palladius, who served as a deacon. [7]   He did not, it appears, make a permanent stamp on the character or expression of Irish Christianity, [8] with his role apparently being more maintenance of a theologically shaky community, rather than active evangelism. [9]   What appears to have been lasting, however, is the work that Patrick accomplished, spreading the Christian faith beyond its initial inroads and changing, in part, the entire country. [10]   It was Patrick’s mission, not Palladius’, which seemed to be the molding influence upon Irish Christians. 

            Patrick’s life is full of legends, but the veracity of these legends are oftentimes indeterminate.  We know that he was born a Briton, in a city which cannot now be identified.  We know he was a slave who escaped, and then many years later was called back by God to be a missionary to the Irish. [11]   These facts are found from his own pen.  What needs to be filled in,  however, are the gaps of what he did after he got back from Ireland and before he returned.   Muirchu, Patrick’s earliest biographer, writes “Patrick went off to visit the apostolic see, the head of all the churches of the whole world.” [12]   He did not quite get there. In his travels he stopped at the city of Auxerre in Gaul where he met “the most holy bishop Germanus”, and thus committed himself “wholeheartedly to wisdom, learning, and chastity.” [13]   It was here he felt called to return to the Irish. If we understand Patrick’s birth as being about 390, his slavery lasting until about 311, and his mission to Ireland beginning about 430, [14] it may be that Patrick was in Gaul during a very interesting time, a time in which various strands of theological development were clashing. 

            There is no indication that Patrick was a mature theologian.  Indeed his missionary zeal seems to have far outshadowed any attempts at theological argument or systematic development.  But, he was in what may have been one of the most intriguing eras of theology of all time.  Among his contemporaries could be numbered Augustine of Hippo, whose pen was already vastly influential.  It was the pen of another, however, who may have been a stronger influence on Patrick, and thus Ireland.  Although he is not nearly as well known now, the writings of John Cassian could be considered as influential in that era as was Augustine’s, and in some circles much more influential. [15]   While Augustinian thought is now considered among many as being authoritative, it caused a great deal of controversy and debate at the time.  This controversy seems to have been initially sparked between Augustine and, interestingly, a British monk named Pelagius who was living in the Eastern side of the Roman Empire.

            While a proper study of the Pelagius and Augustine debate are more appropriate in a study of the early rather than medieval church it can be said that much of Pelagius’ actual teachings may have been reflective of a broader understanding of the Christian life, but not an understanding which was found in most academic circles.  This has led one writer to say “if he had gone off into the Syrian or Egyptian desert, he would probably have been a revered ‘abba’.  Instead, he clashed with the comfortable Christianity which had become the basis of unity in the Imperial Church, and, as a result, he has gone down as the West’s chief heresiarch.” [16] Basically, Pelagius rejected what he saw as Augustine’s defeatism and fatalism in the face of sin, and held to the idea that as God’s created beings, we have the capacity to in fact do what is right once we are put on the right track.  While this view (in its more complex and fuller form, especially as expounded by Celestius) was rejected by various councils, including the council of Carthage in 418, Pelagius’ views resonated in the hearts of many.  Pelagius himself was acquitted by two synods of Eastern bishops. [17]

            This debate, however, drew in others, never in fact really being settled.  Two of the strongest opponents of Augustine at this time were John Cassian (whose thirteenth Conference is commonly understood as an indirect refutation of Augustinian thought) [18] and Vincent of Lerins. [19]   John Cassian, interestingly, after spending a great deal of time learning from the Egyptian Abbas founded two monasteries in Marseille, from where he wrote his treatises on the monastic and Christian life.   Thus, we have a thinker who was born in what is now Romania, lived in Palestine, and was shaped by the thought of the Egyptian hermits, coming to Gaul to live and teach.  An Eastern thinker planted himself in the West  It is likely, in fact, that Cassian was still alive and thriving during the time in which Patrick is alleged to have stayed in Gaul, possibly being in the area while Cassian was in the midst of writing the Conferences. [20]    If Patrick did indeed study in Gaul [21] it is likely he was there in the 420s, right in the middle of this continuing controversy, [22] a controversy which, as already mentioned, extended strongly into Britain. 

            As is obvious, though, Patrick was in no way a systematic thinker.  His theology must be determined by his actions, as we know them, as well as the continuing affects of his mission.  What is clear is that he had a missionary zeal.  He did not simply seek to work with those who were already Christians as it appears was Palladius’ mission, but to reach out to those who were not yet reached.  This zeal itself betrays the fact that he most likely did not hold to a pure Augustinian understanding of predestination, and likely, in fact, held strongly to the idea that it was essential that people be told about Christ in order to make a decision for Christ.  His apparent time in Gaul appears to have given him a missionary zeal, as well as a zeal for a specific kind of church government. 

Throughout his writings we find Patrick very independent in his understanding of his mission, acknowledging the structures around him, but not necessarily seeing himself under any one else’s sway. [23]   While later writers seek to attribute to Patrick statements about Rome, [24] or seek to place his education even in Rome, this Roman authority is not found anywhere in his authentic writings, [25] rather we find what appears to be a clear understanding of the importance of Scripture and holiness in determining authority, a perspective which mirrors the writings of Cassian. 

Patrick, it appears, probably would not have cared what a Council or other ecclesiastical authority taught for its own sake, but only in as far as he felt it confirmed his own mission, the mission he felt called by God to preach, a mission of salvation and holiness. [26]   If his writings do not reflect the total optimism of Pelagius, neither do they reflect the harsher views of Augustine, and certainly do not reflect the increasingly rigid ecclesiology of Rome. In his understanding of government and mission it appears as well that Patrick was vitally influenced by the writings and teachings of John Cassian. [27]    It is likely, though, that Patrick was not inclined to analyze his influences and make a firm decision theologically, preferring rather to follow his visions and go where he was told by God.  This does not mean, however, that he did not lay a strong theological foundation in Ireland, aided possibly by a natural Irish inclination towards various aspects of Eastern rather than Western theology. [28]  

The result of a community in Ireland reflecting strongly the deserts of Egypt more than the sees of Rome may suggest more of Cassian’s influence than any specific theology. [29] In addition, this does not necessarily mean Patrick had to have studied in Gaul, for the evidence that he did so is in fact late and arguable. Rather it can be argued, as RPC Hanson does, he was “wholly the product of the British church”. [30]   .  Patrick obviously had a great deal of respect for the Gallic Christians, at least, as he writes in Confessions 43 that he desires to go “as far as Gaul to visit the brothers and so that I should see the face of the holy ones of the Lord.”  He does not show the same excitement about any church leaders within Britain. [31]

The foundation Patrick built in fact probably led to a differing tradition being developed in an increasingly isolated Irish church as the Empire began to slowly fall apart following the sack of Rome, a tradition which was more practical in its theology than philosophical, but still caused those who were aligned with Rome to feel the same pressure they were feeling from the East.   This foundation was certainly developed by later thinkers, who also showed more practical theology than philosophical, but who it appears followed a different line of thinking, a line more mirrored in the East than in the West. [32]   These “theologies” are most revealed in the various “rules” which were developed by monastic leaders. 

Rather than having orders which would link a series of monasteries these monasteries were fairly independent, relying on the charismatic leadership of an abbot to instruct them in the ways of holiness.  Essentially, the goals of a man or woman who became part of a monastery were purity of heart and eternal life. [33]   It was understood that the contemplation of God and devotion to study and prayer were the primary tasks of the Christian.  The character of this life was one of almost severe austerity, with virtually every area of life regulated. [34]   From a Western perspective these rules point to a “works” centered righteousness, a seeking after justification by doing the “right things.”  If, however, the Irish church was in fact theologically influenced by the Eastern theology, as well as Eastern practice, their practice did not have anything to do with their justification, but rather with what the Eastern church would call their divinization. 

Irenaeus [35] wrote that Jesus had, “through his transcendent love, become what we are, so that He might bring us to be even what He is Himself.” [36]   Athanasius, whose Life of Anthony inspired countless seekers to model the Egyptian hermits, codified the Orthodox understanding of divinization, or theosis, when he said, “God became man so that men might become gods.” [37]   The raising up of humanity to the divine is the work of the Holy Spirit in the lives of individuals, communicating to each person the divine nature in an ever-increasing manner, with its fulfillment coming only in the age to come. [38]   In the Eleventh Sermon of Columbanus, an Irish monk of the early 7^th century who founded monasteries in Gaul and Italy, a similar motif is found, a perspective which points to an Eastern rather than Augustinian perspective on humanity and sin. [39]  Here he says “if men or women abuse what they have received from the breath of God, and corrupt the blessing of their nature, then they distort their likeness to God and destroy its presence in them.” 

He continues by saying, however, “if they use the virtues implanted in them appropriately, then they shall be like God. Whatever virtues God sowed in us in our primal state, therefore, he has commanded us to return to him… For to love God is to restore his image.” Columbanus thus offers this exhortation to his listeners, “And so let us restore to God our Father his own image undefiled in holiness since he is holy, according to the words:  ‘Be holy, since I am holy’: in love, since he is love…, in righteousness and truth, since he is righteousness and truth.” This was not simply an unreachable goal, but rather something which those who were diligent could be expected to approach if not completely achieve.  In the Life of St. Gertrude of Nivelles we read, “We see many people, even in this world, who live an angelic life, so that while corporally they live among humans, their spirit and their conscience are directd toward eternity and their heart is unceasingly taken up in divine contemplation.” [40]   This was not salvation by works as much as it was an expectation that the Spirit of God began the process of sanctification at the moment of salvation, thus letting humanity be restored into its original state even while living this present life.

It is also helpful to look at the writings of John Scotus Eriugena, another influential Irishman who, in the 9^th century, found himself working in what is now France, indeed as the schoolmaster for the children of Charles the Bald, grandson of Charlemagne.  William of Malmesbury wrote of him, “He deviated from the path of the Latins while he kept his eyes intently fixed on the Greeks; wherefore he was reputed an heretic.” [41] It is clear from his writings he knew Greek well. [42]   In his Homily, he writes, “[God] forms [human nature], by maintaining it through nature, and reforms it, by deifying it through grace.” [43]   Speaking of Jesus, he states, “he took possession of our nature so that he might make us participators in his own nature.” [44]    Understanding the different tradition John was following Pope Honorius III in 1225 ordered that all copies of Eriugena’s works be burned. [45]   The goal of the Irish Christian (and those who followed their tradition) was to be restored to the likeness of God, striving after holiness not for salvation, but because they were given salvation. The rules of their communities were strict in order to facilitate this for those who sought it. [46]  

            It must be said that the Irish did not specifically align themselves with the Eastern church.  There is no discussion of the politics or any other issue which would signify the Irish Christians chose sides in the increasing rift between East and West.  Likely, rather, the Irish were more acting on their own natural and historical inclinations, which led them to adopt what could be considered more Eastern perspectives.  Their influences, through reading and leadership, were likely that of the Egyptian hermits, whose theology tended to be lived more than expounded, but was nevertheless very influential.   They were distinguished, though, in their independence, their passion to hold onto their own customs and their own styles without being mandated by a foreign rule.

This too, in fact, represents an Eastern understanding of the primacy of the local community as its own interpreter.  In theology, in practice, in government, the Irish church does indeed seem to have been clearly influenced by those who tended towards Eastern understanding.  Patrick, it seems, was influenced by those who themselves had come from Egypt, and were engaged during his time with a debate with Augustine over the ideas of Grace, Free will, and predestination.  Patrick’s style of missionary endeavors and sense of special calling point away from a connection with Rome. 

The monastic structure which developed in Ireland (and those influenced by the Irish) indicates as well a tendency towards following the Eastern patterns of monasticism as taught in such texts as Cassian’s Conferences. The strictness of their rules, combined with the refreshing quality of their poetry, indicates a theology which saw humanity as basically good, but currently corrupt.  The Irish delighted in what God made, [47] and sought the restoration of the divine in whatever way was useful.  Creation is not essentially evil, but to be celebrated as the reflection and gift of God.  Although the Synod of Whitby specifically addressed two issues of practice, that of the dating of Easter [48] and the style of tonsure, [49] the questions were most likely deeper than that.  Rome was losing its influence in the East, and likely was worried about the growing influence of the Irish, whose missionary endeavors and learning were making them quite influential.  As the Roman Church grew in authority, the Eastern influence lessened, as the Irish were slowly brought under the more direct control of Rome.  Eventually, even non-native Monastic orders such as the Cistercians all but replaced any native movements, bringing their own theology. 

The various Viking attacks followed by English invasion severely hampered any freedom for continued theological development.  Yet it seems as though the Eastern influence made a mark on Irish (increasingly called Celtic) Christianity.  Throughout the medieval period this somewhat divergent tradition reveals itself, coming to light again in a much fuller way through the work and ministry of John Wesley in the 18^th century.  Though this tendency towards Eastern theology may reveal a natural disposition of the Irish as much as direct influence, it still remains that the theologians of the Christian East were vital in the thought and development of the Irish community.  The work and thought of the Irish Christians can only, then, be understood in the light of this Eastern influence, an influence which helped spark a movement which helped to bring renewed life to Christian life throughout the West.

---

[1] See Bede III.25

[2] Lived c. 390 - c. 460.  See RPC Hanson, Life and Writings of Saint Patrick (New York:  Seabury Press,  1983), 25.

[3] See Patrick, Confessions, 9. 

[4] Of course our understanding of the Church in this era, in this area, is very limited, so to make any kind of statements about the church in Ireland or Britain is to paint some very broad strokes.  Hanson, ch. 1.

[5] Bede, I.13. 

[6] See Bede, I.17-21.

[7] Maire B De Paor, Patrick, the Pilgrim Apostle of Ireland (Dublin:  Veritas, 1998), 141.

[8] Oliver Davies, Celtic Spirituality, translated and introduced by Oliver Davies  (New York:  Paulist Press, 1999), 16  mentions that the traditions about Palladius seem to be centered in the Eastern side of Ireland, especially around Leinster.  This indicates that Palladius may have served those who were converted through trade with Christian Britain, There is, however, a suspicion among scholars that the mission of Palladius has been subsumed into the various legends of Patrick.  See Hanson, 17ff.   Muirchu, an early chronicler of the life of Patrick writes, however, that “those wild and vicious people would not easily accept his teaching, and Palladius did not want to spend long in a land not his own. So he decided to return to Pope Celestine.  Having crossed the sea from Ireland to Britain, he died there while making his way back to Rome.”  Life of Patrick, 7.

[9] See de Paor, 141.

[10] Patrick himself acknowledges he was not the first Christian in Ireland, understanding that seeds were often already planted and that part of his mission was traveling “even to out areas beyond which there was nobody and where no one had ever penetrated who could baptize or ordain clergy or confirm the flock.”  Confessions, 51.

[11] See his Confessions. 

[12] Life, 4.

[13] Life, 5. 

[14] Hanson, 25.

[15] See Boniface Ramsey, “Introduction”, The Conferences. Translated and annotated by Boniface Ramsey  (New York:  Newman Press, 1997), 7.

[16] Geoffrey Ready, “Pelagius:  To Demetrius” (http://www.nireland.com/orthodox/pelagius.htm), 3.  See also  D.F. Wright, “Pelagianism”,  New Dictionary of Theology,  edited by Sinclair Ferguson and David Wright.  (Downer’s Grove:  IVP, 1988), 499ff.

[17] Wright, “Pelagianism”, 500.

[18] See Ramsey, 11.

[19] These writers, and those who shared their opposition against Augustine, but were not fully in agreement with the extremes of what is called Pelagianism are commonly referred to as being “Semi-Pelagian”, though this is now thought of as a misnomer.  See Boniface Ramsey, Conferences, 459.  Vincent of Lerins, famous for tests of catholicity, faulted Augustine for his ‘non-Catholic’ doctrine. Some sources write that Patrick even stayed in Lerins for a time while in Gaul.  David F Wright, “Semi-Pelagianism”,  New Dictionary of Theology, edited by Sinclair Ferguson and David Wright  (Downer’s Grove:  IVP, 1988), 636.

[20] His recent translator, Boniface Ramsey, determines that it appears to have been composed sometime between 426 and 429.  Ramsey, 8.

[21] A fact disputed by RPC Hanson, who feels that Patrick’s Latin would have been more refined if he had spent time in the kind of atmosphere which is claimed.   This along with the understanding that Patrick was commissioned, or at least confirmed, by British church leaders seems to indicate to Professor Hanson that Patrick had a British ecclesiastical education.  I do not think, however, that these arguments are nearly as “fatal” as Professor Hanson would indicate.  The evidence of his written Latin seems rather slight, with too many variables involved (i.e. he simply did not write well, but was fluent in spoken Latin).  In addition the fact that he had confirmation by British leaders implies only their locality and authority not his own training.  See Hanson, 27ff.  for a fuller discussion.

[22] It must be noted, however, that as Germanus of Auxerre was famous for later being sent by Pope Celestine into Britain precisely to combat the heresy of Pelagianism which had found fertile ground there, Patrick probably had mixed influences.  Patrick’s time while in Gaul is indeed complicated. 

[23] For example see his Letter to Coroticus, 1 in which he writes “I… declare myself to be a bishop.  I am quite certain that I have received from God that which I am.”  His authority is never attributed to be from anyone other than God.

[24] The “Sayings of Patrick” from the Book of Armagh reads:  “¹On my journeys through the regions of Gaul, through Italy, and even among the islands of the Tyrrhenian Sea, I had as my leader the fear of God”.  It continues “³ The church of the Irish, which is indeed that of the Romans; if you would be Christians, then be as the Romans.”   Davies, 30 attributes these to the early 9^th century.

[25] Hanson, 30ff. points out that if indeed he did have authority from Rome, he would not have felt the pressure to defend himself, as he does in Confessions, 26-32.  Rather he would have simply pointed to the authority of Rome which undergird his office. 

[26] For example see Confessions, 120.

[27] Or someone, or some writing, of similar perspective.

[28] An inclination which may have led to Palladius’ apparent failure.

[29] As shown by the tendency to downplay the strict hierarchy of Roman ecclesiology in favor of charismatic leadership by “proven” leaders, leading to various abbots or abbess such as Columba of Iona, Comgal of Bangor, Ciaran of Clonmacnois, or Brigit of Kildare finding tremendous influence and authority.  Davies, 17ff writes, “By the 7^th and 8^th centuries the power of the bishop was equaled by that of the abbot, expecially in major monastic foundations, and the territorial diocese had been partly superseded by the monastic paruchiae, which were the conglomeration of different foundations all of which traced a common lineage.”

[30] Hanson, 31.  Professor Hanson, however, also argues that Patrick may be our only source of what Christianity looked like in Britain during the late 4^th and early 5^th century.

[31] See Confessions, 26, 29, and 32. Maire de Paor, 131 writes, “The expression saints/holy men of my Lord” seems to indicate that these men possess a special holiness which is different from that of ordinary Christians. Indeed, the Christians of Gaul are the only national group of Christians who are depicted positively in Patrick’s writings.”

[32] This is not to say, however, that the writings of Cassian and the Eastern Fathers were not influential in other parts of the West.  The monastic movement in general reflects this influence

[33] Abba Moses, in Cassian’s first Conference, says, “The end of our profession is the kingdom of God or the kingdom of heaven:  but the goal or scopos is purity of heart without which it is impossible for anyone to reach that end.” (IV.3).  The Rule of Comghall, likely written down in the late 8^th century, begins with “Be faithful to the rule of the gentle Lord, because therein lies your salvation.” Uinseann O Maidin, trans. The Celtic Monk:  Rules and Writings of Early Irish Monks.  (Kalamazoo, MI:  Cistercian Publications, 1996), 31.  In the Rule of Ciaran as well we read “Heaven is the reward of the persons who, for the sake of all people, disciplines his own heart.” O Maidin, 46.  See Pierre Riche, “Spirituality in Celtic and Germanic Society.”  Christian Spirituality. New York:  Crossroad Publishing Company, 1985), 165ff.

[34] Although very useful here, it is not within the scope of this paper to detail and analyze these Rules.  See O Maidin, 17-129 for texts and analysis of the various Rules.  In looking at this austerity it is helpful to remember Cassian’s Preface to his first section of his Conferences, where he writes, “if perhaps the reader thinks, by reason of his status and chosen orientation or from the point of view of ordinary custom and way of life, that there are things in these books that are impossible or hard, he should not judge them by the stand of his own ability but according to the dignity of the speakers, whose zeal and chosen orientation he should first mentally grasp.  If anyone wishes to give a true opinion and desires to see whether these things can be fulfilled, let him first hasten to seize upon their chosen orientation with similar zeal and by a similar way of life.  Only then will he realize what seemed beyond human capacity is not only possible but even most sweet.”

[35] Who, interestingly, was a bishop in Lyons in the 2^nd Century.

[36] Against Heresies, V.  preface.

[37] Quoted in Tuomo Mannermaa, “Justification and Theosis in Lutheran-Orthodox Perspective”, Union With Christ, Carl E. Braaten and Robert W. Jenson, eds (Grand Rapids:  Eerdmans, 1998), 26.

[38] Vladimir Lossky, The Mystical Theology of the Eastern Church (Crestwood, NY:  St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1998), 196.

[39] Davies, 357.

[40] Quoted in Riche, 170.  He adds, “The Columbanian monks set up their monasteries as an anticipation of paradise:  they triumphed over satanic powers, they tamed wild animals, they regulated nature.  The monks sought ot reclaim the privileges that Adam had received from God and had lost by sin.  Even in their lifetime, these monks were favored by visions that revealed to them the horrors of hell and the delights of heaven.”

[41] Quoted in Geoffrey Ready, “An Orthodox Evaluation of Certain Teaching in the Writings of John Scotus Eriugena in the Light of the Theoogy of St Gregory Palamas,” (http://www.nireland.com/orthodox/eriugena.htm#God), 1.

[42] See for example his Homily, 14 found in Davies, 423.

[43] Homily, 13.

[44] Homily, 21.

[45] Ready, “An Orthodox Evaluation”, 3.   Ready’s article is a very interesting treatise expounding even further on the similarities which can be found in Eriugena’s works and Eastern thought in general. 

[46] As in any theology, however, over time the initial impetus drifts into something different, so certainly at times this concept drifted into what could be called a works centered righteousness. 

[47] For example see O Maidin,191.  John Scotus Eriugena writes, “Now the eternal light manifests itself to the world in two ways, through the Bible and creatures.” Homily, 11.

[48] The Irish followed what they called the tradition of John, which was represented in Asia Minor, another Eastern location.  It is unknown how this practice was communicated to them, as they claimed it went back to their earliest founders.  See Bede, III.25 as well as Muirchu’s Life of Patrick, 15 in which he talks about Patrick celebrating “Passover” equated with Easter.

[49] The Irish style was that of a slave, the Roman style modeled the crown of thorns which Jesus wore.